Archive for the ‘Our Constitution and laws’ Category

Learning on the Job

Author: Gary Hart

Thomas Jefferson said that to expect a man [today he would say person] to hold the same views throughout life, while life changed all around him, was like expecting a man to attempt to wear the same clothes he wore as a boy.

That observation came to mind in reading one commentary on the judicial life of retiring Justice John Paul Stevens.  It was observed that he was not asked one question about his views on abortion during his confirmation hearings and that as a Republican nominee he was unanimously confirmed by a Democratic Senate (of which I was a member).  During his lengthy service on the Court he changed his views on a number of key issues, not least on the death penalty.

This is obviously surprising, if not stunning, in two regards: the Court has become an ideological tug-of-war principally in the past three decades, and politics has become inhabited by people who cannot or will not change their minds on virtually anything as life changes around them.

This has to do in part with the theme of this blog: principles should not be changed, but what Jefferson called “style” can be.  Certainly for some people, on both sides, matters such as abortion, the death penalty, and related social issues are matters of principle.  But, in the case of the death penalty, Justice Stevens view on the matter changed because he came to see how poorly and unjustly it was being administered.  The lesson has to do with the gap between principle and practice: in an ideal world, only mad-dog killers are executed; in practice, in the real world of fallible (or ideologically motivated) human beings, too many innocent people are executed.  Experiencing this difference can cause thoughtful people to change their views, while still holding onto principle.

Like most of the ruminations on this blogsite, this is a matter for lengthy discussions well into the night.  What some might draw from it, however, is to hope for judges and policy-makers who are open to changing circumstances, mind-changing experiences, the evolution of human events, new evidence and information, and a temperment that is willing to question old assumptions. 

Many, but certainly not all, of the large figures I was honored to serve with in the 1970s, when a Supreme Court justice could be unanimously confirmed and before the ideological wars began in America, were people perfectly capable of learning, thinking, adapting to new evidence, and, in a word, growing.  Thereafter, things began to change.  

Our nation will not resume its mainstream course forward until we learn to put leaders who are capable of learning on the job, and who possess a judicial temperment,  back on the judicial bench and in the Congress.

The Imperial Presidency

Author: Gary Hart
We the PeopleRecent statements by the Obama administration that the president may be considering his own policy of picking and choosing among provisions of laws passed by Congress, similar in principle to the previous Bush administration, is disturbing.  Having spent a lifetime studying the U.S. Constitution, I can find no provision in it that grants the chief executive this power.
 
Article I, section 1, clearly gives to Congress the sole authority to enact legislation (“All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States…”).  Section 7 of the same Article gives the president the power to approve or veto laws passed by Congress.  But nowhere in the Constitution is the president given the authority to decide which laws to execute and which not to.
 
As Congress cannot intrude on the president’s executive authority, except to disapprove it by law, so the president cannot legislate selectively.  Partisan Constitutional scholars may write learned memoranda pointing out instances, usually in time of war, where presidents have acted without authority or have by-passed or side-stepped legislative mandates.  But might does not make right.  And repetition of unconstitutional actions does not make them more Constitutional.
 
If President Obama proceeds down this path, out of his own sense of expediency or the urging of frustrated or power-hungry advisors, he will be adding precedent for his successors to follow, successors who may not be as scrupulous as he.  The late Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., wrote “The Imperial Presidency” in 1974, at the close of the Nixon administration.  He wrote: “When the constitutional balance [between Congress and President] is upset in favor of presidential power and at the expense of presidential accountability, the presidency can be said to become imperial.”
 
Partisans repeatedly wish to make exceptions to strict Constitutional construction in favor of their own favored president.  But the Constitution is not a document meant for expediency.  It survives only so long as its terms are honored and obeyed regardless of president, party, or circumstances.

“…and our posterity”

Author: Gary Hart

we_the_people_smThis little-noticed phrase in the Preamble to our Constitution has profound significance for laws and governing.  If taken seriously it could force us to think entirely differently about laws and government.

The Preamble justifies our Constitution as the basis for forming a more perfect union, establishing justice, insuring domestic tranquility, providing for the common defense, promoting the general welfare, and securing the blessings of liberty “to ourselves and our posterity.”  Most scholars, though not all, conclude that “our posterity” applies to securing the blessings of liberty.  Some believe we must take into account “our posterity” in achieving all of the Constitution’s purposes.

Either way, the idea that future generations have a stake in carrying out the Constitution’s objectives is profound.  When we go to war or even just buy weapons, when we act or do not act on climate change, when we do or do not reform health care, when we preserve wilderness or extract non-renewable resources, when we bail out banks and industries, when we do these and many, many more things, we do so not only for ourselves but also for our posterity, as far into the future as we can imagine generations.

Though political figures often acknowledge “our children and grandchildren” in their speeches, when you listen to political arguments today they almost always have to do with how will this or that affect me, right now, in my life.  Almost all of our concerns are about the impact of decisions on ourselves and our lives.

Assuming our Founders to have been serious people and most of all those who chose words carefully who knew they were writing for the ages, we can assume they meant what they said.  We are to take into account the impact on our posterity’s achievement of the blessings of liberty, and perhaps much more, when we make important public decisions.

We all leave some kind of legacy.  For the fortunate it is often money and property.  For the humble it is usually just our example.  That is our private legacy.  Why can we not also see that we also leave a public legacy, our nation, its resources, a peaceful or warlike planet, the global environment, and much more. 

By adding “…and our posterity,” the Founders placed upon us a profound moral duty.

Welcome Post

Author: Gary Hart

Welcome to Matters of Principle, Senator Gary Hart’s personal blog.  More content is coming soon, so please visit the blog section of the site to see the most recent posts.  Thanks for dropping by.